By Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company
30 May 15
hank
you for allowing me to share this evening with you. I’m delighted to
meet these exceptional journalists whose achievements you honor with the
Helen Bernstein Book Award.
But I gulped when [New York Public Library President]
Tony Marx asked me to talk about the challenges facing journalism today
and gave me 10 to 15 minutes to do so. I seriously thought of taking a
powder. Those challenges to journalism are so well identified, so
mournfully lamented, and so passionately debated that I wonder if the
subject isn’t exhausted. Or if we aren’t exhausted from hearing about
it. I wouldn’t presume to speak for journalism or for other journalists
or for any journalist except myself. Ted Gup, who teaches journalism at
Emerson and Boston College, once bemoaned the tendency to lump all of us
under the term “media.” As if everyone with a pen, a microphone, a
camera (today, a laptop or smartphone) – or just a loud voice – were all
one and the same. I consider myself a journalist. But so does James
O’Keefe. Matt Drudge is not E.J. Dionne. The National Review is not The
Guardian, or Reuters TheHuffington Post. Ann Coulter doesn’t speak for
Katrina vanden Heuvel, or Rush Limbaugh for Ira Glass. Yet we are all
“media” and as Ted Gup says, “the media” speaks for us all.
So I was just about to email Tony to say, “Sorry, you
don’t want someone from the Jurassic era to talk about what’s happening
to journalism in the digital era,” when I remembered one of my favorite
stories about the late humorist Robert Benchley. He arrived for his
final exam in international law at Harvard to find that the test
consisted of one instruction: “Discuss the international fisheries
problem in respect to hatcheries protocol and dragnet and procedure as
it affects (a) the point of view of the United States and (b) the point
of view of Great Britain.” Benchley was desperate but he was also
honest, and he wrote: “I know nothing about the point of view of Great
Britain in the arbitration of the international fisheries problem, and
nothing about the point of view of the United States. I shall therefore
discuss the question from the point of view of the fish.”
So shall I, briefly. One small fish in the vast ocean of media.
I look at your honorees this evening and realize they
have already won one of the biggest prizes in journalism — support from
venerable institutions: The New Yorker, The New York Times, NPR, The
Wall Street Journal and The Christian Science Monitor. These esteemed
news organizations paid — yes, you heard me, paid — them to report and
to report painstakingly, intrepidly, often at great risk. Your honorees
then took time — money buys time, perhaps its most valuable purchase —
to craft the exquisite writing that transports us, their readers, to
distant places – China, Afghanistan, the Great Barrier Reef, even that
murky hotbed of conspiracy and secession known as Texas.
And after we read these stories, when we put down our
Kindles and iPads, or — what’s that other device called? Oh yes – when
we put down our books – we emerge with a different take on a slice of
reality, a more precise insight into some of the forces changing our
world.
Although they were indeed paid for their work, I’m
sure that’s not what drove them to spend months based in Beijing, Kabul
and Dallas. Their passion was to go find the story, dig up the facts and
follow the trail around every bend in the road until they had the
evidence. But to do this — to find what’s been overlooked, or forgotten,
or hidden; to put their skill and talent and curiosity to work on
behalf of their readers — us — they needed funding. It’s an old story:
When our oldest son turned 16 he asked for a raise in his allowance, I
said: “Don’t you know there are some things more important than money?”
And he answered: “Sure, Dad, but it takes money to date them.” Democracy
needs journalists, but it takes money to support them. Yet if present
trends continue, Elizabeth Kolbert may well have to update her book with
a new chapter on how the dinosaurs of journalism went extinct in the
Great Age of Disruption.
You may have read that two Pulitzer Prize winners this
year had already left the profession by the time the prize was
announced. One had investigated corruption in a tiny, cash-strapped
school district for The Daily Breeze of Torrance, California. His story
led to changes in California state law. He left journalism for a public
relations job that would make it easier to pay his rent. The other
helped document domestic violence in South Carolina, which forced the
issue onto the state legislative agenda. She left the Charleston Post
and Courier for PR, too.
These are but two of thousands. And we are left to
wonder what will happen when the old business models no longer support
reporters at local news outlets? There’s an ecosystem out there and if
the smaller fish die out, eventually the bigger fish will be
malnourished, too.
A few examples: The New York Times reporter who
rattled the city this month with her report on the awful conditions for
nail salon workers was given a month just to see whether it was a story,
and a year to conduct her investigation. Money bought time. She began,
with the help of six translators, by reading several years of back
issues of the foreign language press in this country… and began to
understand the scope of the problem. She took up her reporting from
there. Big fish, like The New York Times, can amplify the work of the
foreign language press and wake the rest of us up.
It was the publisher of the Bergen Record, a
family-owned paper in New Jersey who got a call from an acquaintance
about an unusual traffic jam on the George Washington Bridge. The editor
assigned their traffic reporter to investigate. (Can you believe? They
had a traffic reporter!) The reporter who covered the Port Authority for
the Record joined in and discovered a staggering abuse of power
by Governor Chris Christie’s minions. WNYC Radio picked up the story and
doggedly stuck to it, helped give it a larger audience and broadened
its scope to a pattern of political malfeasance that resulted in
high-profile resignations and criminal investigations into the Port
Authority. Quite a one-two punch: WNYC won a Peabody Award, the Record won a Polk.
A Boston Phoenix reporter broke the story about sexual abuse within the city’s Catholic Church nine months before the Boston Globe picked up the thread. The Globe intensified the reporting and gave the story national and international reach. The Boston Phoenix, alas, died from financial malnutrition in 2013 after 47 years in business.
So once again: How can strong independent journalism
thrive when independent outlets can’t afford to pay reporters, writers
or producers a living wage; or when websites ask them to post four or
five items a day; or when they leave journalism school and take jobs
logging algorithms at Facebook (what does that even mean?). What happens
to a society fed a diet of rushed, re-purposed, thinly reported
“content?” Or “branded content” that is really merchandising —
propaganda — posing as journalism?
And what happens when PR turns a profit and truth goes
penniless? One of my mentors told me that “News is what people want to
keep hidden, everything else is publicity.” So who will be left to
report on what is happening in the statehouse or at the town hall? In
the backrooms of Congress, the board rooms of banks and corporations, or
even the open and shameless bazaar of K Street where the mercenaries of
crony capitalism uncork bottles of champagne paid for by “dark money”
from oligarchs and PACs? What happens when our elections are
insider-driven charades conducted for profit by professional operatives
whose spending on advertising mainly enriches themselves and the cable
and television stations in cahoots with them? We know the answer, we
know that a shortage of substantial reporting means corruption remains
hidden, candidates we know little about and even less about who is
funding them and what policy outcomes they are buying. It also means
even more terrifying possibilities. As Tom Stoppard writes in his play Night and Day, “People do terrible things to each other, but it’s worse in the places where everybody is kept in the dark.”
A free press, you see, doesn’t operate for free at
all. Fearless journalism requires a steady stream of independent
income. Allow me to speak from personal experience. After I left
government in 1967 — including a stint as White House press secretary —
it took me a while to get my footing back in journalism. I can assure
you: I found the job of trying to tell the truth about people whose job
it is to hide the truth almost as complicated and difficult as trying to
hide it in the first place. Unless you’re willing to fight and re-fight
the same battles until you go blue in the face, drive the people you
work for nuts going over every last detail again and again to make
certain you’ve got it right, and then take hit after hit accusing you of
“bias,” there’s no use even trying. You have to love it, and I have.
And still do.
Forty years ago my team and I produced the first
documentary ever about the purchase of government favors by PACs —
political action committees. For the final scene, we unfurled yard after
yard of computer printouts across the Capitol grounds, listing campaign
contributions to every member of Congress – including several old
friends and allies with whom I had worked during my time in government.
You could hear the howls all the way to kingdom come. Even members of
Congress who had just recently voted to create PBS were outraged. This
and other offenses by kindred journalists in public television prompted
Richard Nixon and his communications director Pat Buchanan to try to
shut off the oxygen.
Nevertheless, early in the Reagan years, we produced a documentary called
The Secret Government.
Our reporting exposed an interlocking network of official
functionaries, spies, mercenaries and predators, ex-generals and
profiteers working outside the legitimate institutions of government to
carry out foreign follies without regard to public consent or
congressional approval. We followed that one with
High Crimes and Misdemeanors
about the Iran-Contra scandal. Republicans accused public television of
committing — horrors! — journalism. Well into the next decade they
invoked both documentaries as they threatened PBS funding. When we
documented illegal fundraising by Democrats in 1996 – in a documentary
we called
Washington’s Other Scandal because it wasn’t about sexual antics in the White House – this time it was the Clinton administration that howled.
But taking on political scandal is nothing compared to
what can happen if you raise questions about corporate power in
Washington. Working on a
Frontline documentary about agriculture
we learned that the pesticide industry was behind closed doors trying
to dilute the findings of a National Academy of Sciences study on the
effects of their chemicals on children. When word of our investigation
got around the industry, they mounted an extensive and expensive
campaign to discredit our reporting before it aired. A
Washington Post
TV columnist took a dig at the broadcast on the morning before it was
to air that evening. He hadn’t even seen the film and later confessed to
me that his source had been a top lobbyist for the chemical
industry. Some public television managers were so unnerved by the blitz
of misleading information about the documentary that they had not yet
broadcast or even watched, that they protested its production to PBS
with letters that had been prepared for them by the industry!
We spent more than a year working on another documentary called
Trade Secrets
which revealed how big chemical companies had deliberately withheld
from workers and consumers information about toxic chemicals in their
products. We weren’t peeking through the keyhole; we had the documents.
We confirmed that major American companies were putting human lives at
risk. We showed what the companies knew, when they knew it and what they
did with what they knew — they deep-sixed it.
Our reporting portrayed pervasive corruption in the
chemical industry and raised profound policy implications from living
under a regulatory system designed by the industry itself. The attack on
us was well-funded, deceitful and vicious. To complicate matters, the
single biggest recipient of campaign contributions from the chemical
industry – over 20 years in the House of Representatives — was the very
member of Congress who had jurisdiction over PBS
appropriations. Fortunately, we hadn’t used any public funds to produce
the documentary, the leadership of PBS again held firm, our report aired
— and won an Emmy for investigative journalism.
But remember: I had an independent stream of income –
from a handful of foundations that believe democracy needs journalism,
and from my sole corporate sponsor of almost 30 years, Mutual of America
Life Insurance Company.
Before Mutual, I had lost three corporate funders
because of broadcasts that offended their CEOs, directors, customers or
their cronies in high office. Now, I can tell you that losing your
underwriter can send an independent producer to the showers, end your
career and — more deadly — unconsciously distort your intuition about
what is permissible the next time you think about producing
another documentary. Self-censorship is all the more insidious when you
don’t recognize that you have been infected. But Mutual of America had
my back. Not once in almost three decades of reporting from the
intersection where corporate influence touches political power did I
have a single complaint from anyone at the company, even when I knew
they were getting an earful from others. Consider yourself blessed if
you are backed by capitalists with courage.
Once upon a time the networks supported muscular
investigative reporting into betrayals of the public trust. But
democratic values lost out to corporate values when media giants merged
news and entertainment and opened the throttle on what Edward R. Murrow
called their “money-making machine.” Mind you, there was no “golden age”
of broadcasting at any network, but there were enough breakthrough
moments that we could imagine a future in which subjects treated in the
books being honored here this evening — subjects that extend the moral
reach of journalism — might be staples in the schedule.
It wasn’t to be. And the challenge of journalism today
is to survive in the pressure cooker of plutocracy. Where, in this
mighty conglomeration of wealth and power, when for all practical
purposes government and rich interests are two sides of the corporate
state — where is the moral center of the commonwealth? How does
journalism serve the endangered ideals of democracy? Can we find the
audience that will dive deep — the audience that rebels against being
treated as a branded market identified by the price tag on it? How do we
report on the creeping dystopia of a cynically frivolous society with a
political class that has made an ideology of ignorance, demoralizes
workers and disdains the future? Can journalists be both patriotic and
subversive — will we cover those who seek to disrupt the workings of a
dominant and ruthless over-class with the attention and enthusiasm we
accord the powers that be — by whom so many journalists appear
mesmerized?
In an oligarchic era, you can be quickly marginalized
by a corporate media and political class so comfortable in the
extravagantly blended world of money, politics and celebrity that they
don’t bark at the burglars of democracy, much less bite the hand that
feeds them.
Wrestling with these questions is unavoidable. It
requires on the part of journalists a high tolerance for public or
private cuffing, as well as qualities of inquiry, observation and
understanding that are either supported by the organization you work for
or assured by an independent stream of income.
We still find great investigative reporting at certain
legacy organizations. And the Web boasts some superb truth-telling. But
everyone knows the digital future is precarious. As Clay Shirky once
wrote: “That is what real revolutions are like. The old stuff gets
broken faster than the new stuff is put in its place.” For an optimistic
forecast of the possibilities I urge you to read the speech Martin
Baron, executive editor of The Washington Post, delivered in
April at the University of California, Riverside. For a dazzling trip to
new media’s cutting edge, read the current edition of the Columbia Journalism Review,
reported and written by 14 of the school’s own students. For a sobering
perspective, consider the Knight Foundation’s recent third report on
the status of nonprofit news ventures. Of the 14 nonprofits that it
followed since the last report, three have been able to grow, four have
cut staff and seven have held steady. Only one could be called a
stand-out success — the Texas Tribune, with 42 full-time
employees and an operating budget four times larger than any of the
other organizations in the study. For the rest of the organizations in
the study, however, the growth in staffing and traffic seem stalled,
prompting the Columbia Journalism Review to say that if the
report was a weather forecast, the prediction for nonprofit news would
be partly cloudy with a chance of sun.
In the face of such chaos and uncertainty, some of us
have been talking a lot about how to pay for independent journalism. In
moments of reverie we even imagine there are sympathetic billionaires
worried about how other billionaires are buying up the political system
and wonder if that concern runs deep enough to fund a multi-billion
trust fund for investigative journalism – say, a new Carnegie or
Rockefeller Foundation devoted exclusively to encouraging continuous
scrutiny of how America is working — and for whom? Both Andrew Carnegie
and John D. Rockefeller were rapacious capitalists who nonetheless
invested much of their fortunes in the improving of democracy. Carnegie
funded libraries all across the country — including one in my hometown
of Marshall, Texas — to serve the public thirst for knowledge. Why not a
modern Carnegie — even a Google – that would spread independent
journalistic websites dedicated to the public’s need to know?
We know that contributions from individuals, not
institutions, make up most of American philanthropy, and we think some
of that should be directed toward nonprofit journalism. An FCC report in
2011 found that if Americans spent one percent of their charitable
giving on nonprofit media it would generate $2.7 billion a year. If
community foundations put five percent of their spending toward local
journalism it would generate $130 million annually. And if the
foundations of the top new media corporations and their founders put
five percent of their spending toward local accountability journalism it
would generate $220 million annually.
But we need more than money to sustain independent
journalism. We need laws to ensure that reporters can protect their
sources. We need to hound government at every level to respond to public
records requests. We need stronger reporting requirements for
corporations so that they can be held accountable.
Above all, we need journalists and writers like those
you honor tonight. They participate in what the iconic filmmaker John
Grierson called “the articulation of our time.” No matter the technology
employed, it is the deeply moved and engaged individual who can
transcend the normal province of journalistic convention to see and
speak truths others have missed in all that is hidden in plain sight.
I am privileged to be in your company. Thank you again
for inviting me. And congratulations to the recipients of the Helen
Bernstein Award. Thank you for keeping the flame burning.
alling
the Obama Administration’s actions against the soccer organization
“weak and ineffective,” Senator John McCain on Thursday proposed
military action to “dismantle and destroy FIFA once and for all.”
fter
several days of controversy over whether he would have authorized an
invasion of Iraq, former Florida Governor Jeb Bush said on Thursday that
the question was unimportant since it is now painfully clear that he
will never be President.
